About freedom of the press

Sweden has a long - and strong - tradition and the world's first freedom of the press laws came in Sweden in 1766. But now the old laws are challenged. One reason is technological. In Sweden a public debate is going on regarding whether a change is needed or not. Read more about the history and some parts of the debate.

Technology puts pressure on Swedish press laws

Is misuse more important than rights?

Continued weak support for freedom of the press and freedom of expression in Swedish parliament

Read more about the background of the freedom of press in Sweden here:

Freedom of expression and freedom of the press in Sweden

About the principle of public access

Freedom of expression

Technology puts pressure on Swedish press laws

By Per Hultengård, Director of Legal and Political Affairs, Swedish Newspaper Publishers' Association

Those who want to change the special constitutional laws on freedom of the press and freedom of expression argue that the legislation should become independent of technique, in contrast to present regulation, where applicability is dependent on the technique that is used (print, radio, database, technical recordings, etc.). The advantage of present regulation is that one never has to make any subjective considerations as to whether something that has been expressed should or should not be covered by the legislation. Instead the criteria that are used are strictly formal and objective. It also makes it possible to have a single responsible publisher for all content that is published and to have a system where informants to the media cannot be subject to liability. The critics also maintain that it is an imperfection that the present system excludes oral expressions that are made directly (theatres, speakers corners, interactive services, chats, discussion groups, etc.), where someone can have a direct influence on what is being said (which is impossible because the system with a responsible publisher cannot be maintained). The critics also claim that the present regulation is too detailed, which is a complication when something should be changed due to the special procedure for changes to constitutional matters. From a European perspective, Sweden is quite unique to have such detailed regulation on a constitutional level, which sometimes makes it complicated to be a member of the European Union, as the Swedish negotiators quite often have to ensure that exceptions are made for Sweden due to possible conflicts between proposed EU legislation and Swedish legislation, but then compromise on other matters.

The proposed alternatives are:

(1) Abolish the two constitutional laws on freedom of the press and freedom of expression, and let the mass media rely on the general protection for freedom of expression in the fundamental constitution and the European Convention of Human Rights;

(2) Abolish the two constitutional laws on freedom of the press and freedom of expression, but insert a mass media chapter with some fundamental principles in the fundamental constitution;

(3) Merge the two constitutional laws into a single law without any major changes. A fourth alternative that has also been discussed is to keep things the way they are.

Is misuse more important than rights?

From an article by Bo Strömstedt, appearing on Expressen's culture page, 22 October 2007

"And isn't the primary objective of the Freedom of Press Act to establish the right to express oneself, not to agonize over the risk of misuse? If a few roof tiles fall off a building, tearing up the foundation would be considered a dubious method." "That in the new society to find opportunities to preserve, and perhaps even strengthen the law that over the centuries has contributed to creating the open Swedish society must be the duty of the legislators." "Freedom of religion was also won in battle with the authoritarian society. One hundred years hasn't yet passed since a school teacher risked his entire means of support if he did not interpret the Bible in the same way as the headmaster. Freedom of religion is not a gift from the state. It has been won by the citizenry." "The freedom of religion entails the right to practice one's religion to the extent that it does not injure others. But freedom of religion closely parallels freedom of expression. It is my right to exercise my religion, but it is also your right to initiate discussion about my religion."

From an editorial that appeared in Dagens Nyheter, 18 November 2007

"There is currently a general perception that freedom of the press is a constitutional privilege for reporters. They can write articles that are spread to thousands of people without risking imprisonment, even when their articles contain errors. But the purpose of this freedom of the press is not to give journalists legal advantages, but rather to safeguard the general public's right to be informed.
"Freedom of the press is thus intended to open society and to counteract the concentration of power. From an international perspective, it is a unique construction, and better insurance against corruption would probably be difficult to create."

Continued weak support for freedom of the press and freedom of expression in Swedish parliament

Many members of parliament can imagine limiting freedom of the press and freedom of expression. This was revealed in an SIFO (Swedish Institute of Public Opinion Research) survey that the Swedish Newspaper Publishers' Association commissioned in 2006. The same survey has been conducted anew and the results are disheartening even if some improvements have occurred. In individual issues, many members of parliament are increasingly prepared to reduce openness, and implement bans and restrictions. The new survey was conducted in the summer of 2007 and 227 members of parliament responded. Some of the results of the survey include the following (results from 2006 are in brackets): - 59% (89%) of the surveyed members of parliament feel that individual police officers' legal right to publish information should be limited.

- 55% (74%) feel that a law should be enacted that limits the media's opportunities to cover famous persons.
- 55% (68%) feel that damages as a result of legal proceedings should be dramatically increased in cases related to freedom of the press and freedom of expression.
- 60% (72%) want to introduce rules for financial defamation so that businesses and other organisations would be able to claim damages from the media.
- 81% (84%) feel that it is good that the media cannot access passport and driving license photos.
"It is frightening that so many members of parliament do not understand how important freedom of the press and freedom of expression are for an open democratic society," says Peo Wärring, chairman of the Swedish Newspaper Publisher's Association.

Source: Swedish Newspaper Publishers' Association

Background: Freedom of expression and freedom of the press in Sweden

The basic principles for freedom of expression and freedom of the press are the following:

  • Freedom of establishment: Every Swedish citizen has the right to start a printed newspaper if it has authorisation to publish and an individual responsible by law for what is printed. The state shall also strive to restrict radio frequencies to those who promote freedom of expression and information.
  • Pre-censorship ban: Every form of preliminary examination of printed material is forbidden, as is the obstruction of its printing or distribution.
  • Protection of anonymity and sources: The identity of persons who provide information to a news outlet is protected and all media workers have the right to anonymity. State and local government organs are forbidden to search for the identities
    of people who provide information to the media.
    Similar protections exist in several EU countries.
  • Responsibility rules: Every publication and every television and radio programme must have a person responsible by law. This individual, not the person who wrote or produced the item, can be made responsible for its content.
  • Legal procedures: Unauthorised statements or unauthorised publication of information that implies a breach of national security, breaches of law and order, defamation of individuals, etc., are to be dealt with by the courts. Offences are listed in
    an Act and no other offences can be prosecuted.
  • The principle of public access: A vital principle in the freedom of the press legislation is the principle of public access to official information. This was unique when it entered into Swedish law in 1766 and remains singular in international comparison. It implies that all documentation kept by the authorities must be accessible to the public, including databases and similar technological or electronic documents.

Source: Swedish Institute fact sheet about Swedish mass media

Swedish mass media, by Swedish Institute: http://www.sweden.se/templates/cs/FactSheet____15670.aspx

Background: About the principle of public access

By Per Hultengård, Director of Legal and Political Affairs, Swedish Newspaper Publishers' Association

Several years ago, a Swedish newspaper reporter walked into the EU Commission in Brussels and asked to read the mail that had arrived that day for the commission's chairman. He was not permitted to do so. He was instead met by an attitude of incomprehension and suspicion, and was more or less thrown out of the office. What nerve! What insolence! To walk in here and demand to root through the chairman's mail! It is different in Sweden. Here, everyone is entitled to read the mail of the prime minister or of anyone else in a position of power. In Sweden, insight and the principle of public access prevail. At least that's what we would like to believe. "Every Swedish citizen shall be entitled to have free access to official documents, in order to encourage the free exchange of opinion and the availability of comprehensive information." This is from the introduction to chapter 2 of the Freedom of Press Act, which stipulates the rules for the principle of public access. It is a grand proclamation and an excellent start to the chapter about public access. Let's take it a piece at a time: first of all, one wants to encourage the free exchange of opinion, or in other words, that all citizens shall be able to take part in open and free discussion, without restrictions. Secondly, one wants to encourage... the availability of comprehensive information, or in other words, that all citizens shall have the opportunity to be informed, have knowledge, know and understand. These are the goals. The agent for attaining these goals is openness - the right to access official documents. This is a right that we all have as citizens. The principle of public access is important for newspapers and other media, but it is not an exclusive right of the media. It is a citizen's right - a right for you or me, and everyone else. What does the principle of public access mean in practice? It means that we are entitled to read the documents of governmental authorities and administrations. This applies both to documents that someone has sent to an authority and documents that an authority has created itself. These can be letters, decisions, minutes of meetings, rulings, proposals, reports and so forth.

But not everything is accessible. There may be information in a document that is confidential. For example, it can be a matter of information that is sensitive to someone's personal integrity or information that concerns business or military secrets.

Nonetheless, it is important to keep in mind that just because a document includes confidential information this does not mean that the entire document is classed confidential. We still have the right to read other parts of the document. Now this may sound fine, but one might still wonder if all this about insight and public access is really that important. How does it affect me? The answer is that the principle of public access can ultimately be said to be a guarantee for us being able to exercise our civil rights. It is a matter of legal security. If comparable cases are handled differently or if other incorrect decisions are made, this will be come to light if activities are conducted openly. It is also a guarantee for efficiency in governmental organisations. Lethargy, inefficiency, unfairness and corruption are counteracted if the public has insight and can see how work is conducted. But above all, openness promotes democracy. It provides objective information about governmental authorities and public services. Many authorities willingly release huge amounts of information about their work in slick brochures. But this doesn't have anything to do with the principle of public access. The principle involves something more, namely that we decide ourselves - independently of authorities' official releases of information - what we want to see. But openness and public access cannot be reduced to a few flowery words and visions unless they also have real-world impact. On paper, we in Sweden have tremendously strong legislation for public access. But during the past years, we've increasingly had reason to often feel concern with developments that have instead been characterised by increased introversion and secrecy. The Official Secrets Act is constantly growing. As an example, information from the passport and driving license registry that was previously accessible to the public is now as good as inaccessible. But above all, one can see a tangible change in attitude among the executing authorities and courts when they make decisions on whether documents can be released. Understanding of the significance of the principle of public access and insight is declining and secrecy considerations are instead being prioritised. This is an attitude that is completely contrary to the fundamental idea behind the principle of public access. It is therefore high time that we - both as citizens and members of the media - raise objections and assert our rights. The authorities gather and produce enormous amounts of information and make countless decisions, large and small, that directly or indirectly affect us as citizens - everything from decisions about refuse collection fees to how a new motorway will be routed. If we have insight into these processes, we can gain knowledge and participate in the public debate, make our voices heard, express our opinions and influence the society we live in.

Knowledge provides power and influence. This is why the principle of public access is important. It is ours. We have the right to know.

Background: Freedom of expression

By Per Hultengård, Director of Legal and Political Affairs, Swedish Newspaper Publishers' Association

It is often said that people think most about freedom of expression and feel most strongly for it just after it has been won or just after it has been lost. As long as people have freedom of expression, it is taken for granted. In Sweden, we have a long tradition of both freedom of expression and freedom of the press, both as citizens and as members of the mass media. We can say, write, send and express just about anything. Freedom of expression and freedom of the press should not just protect that which is conventional, uncontroversial, harmless, politically correct and that which most people feel is perfectly acceptable. The chief strength of these freedoms is that they even protect the unconventional, the controversial, the politically incorrect and that which the majority of people find appalling. All this has a price, which in individual cases can be shockingly high. But we pay this price so that freedom of expression and freedom of the press will remain strong when they are needed the most. This does not mean that everything is acceptable, but crimes relating to misuse of freedom of the press and freedom of expression are few. The majority of these breeches concern assorted infringements on national security. In addition to this, it is forbidden to engage in incitement to racial hatred, incitement to crime, descriptions of illegal violence, slander or libel. But such expressions can also be permissible. What one person perceives as slander can be of sufficient importance or of sufficient interest to the general public that it can be defensible. Even such that turns out to be untrue can be permissible if everything pointed to it being true upon publication. Freedom of expression is far-reaching, but for it to stay that way, we have to handle it with care. The general public's Press Ombudsman and the Press Council - which receive reports and examine complaints from the public filed against that which is published in newspapers and magazines - is the branch's own system for ethics. Additionally, at individual newspapers and magazines, there are codes of conduct and principles that apply for each publication. It is a matter of weighing the self-evident duty of relating every type of news against not subjecting people's names and reputations to publicity that can be perceived as offensive. This is not an easy thing to do. Some feel that newspapers, magazines and other media are overly restrained, while others feel that they go too far. But ethics is ultimately not something one regulates; it requires taking a personal stand. The media's activities are protected in special constitutional law. The Freedom of Press Act applies for printed publications, and the Fundamental Law on Freedom of Expression, applies for other media, such as radio, television and newspaper websites. In international comparison, these constitutional laws are rather unique. Contrary to what is the case in many other countries, freedom of the press and freedom of expression are not stipulated in vague, general terms. Their strength is in safeguarding every aspect of the exercise of freedom of the press and freedom of expression in detail - from someone getting an idea about something that he or she feels needs to be said, to publication. These freedoms protect the gathering of information, writing of articles, printing, publication, distribution and broadcasting from interference and they forbid censorship or other hampering actions from the authorities and public organs. If something is published or broadcast that is criminal in nature, this is something that is determined after the fact. We sometimes feel that freedom of the press is constraining, that the ceiling is low and that restraints from covering certain topics are the norm. And unfortunately, this is the way it is at times. Sometimes theory and reality do not coincide. But those who want to limit the freedom of expression and certain types of coverage are also usually those who are afraid of the freedom of expression, afraid of the free exchange of opinions, afraid of open discussion. We in Sweden are very privileged, whether we use the freedom of expression directly or express ourselves through the mass media. In many countries, a system such as what we have cannot even be imagined. But there is also danger in that we perceive freedom of the press and freedom of expression as self-evident; we do not take notice when they begin to be curtailed. In recent years, we in Sweden have observed clear tendencies to such limitations and restraints.

This is why it so important that we and you and others who care about the freedom of expression stand behind it when times are tough, that we exercise it, express our opinions, say what we think and believe ­- that we make our voices heard!